Coops or co-nots: understanding the strengths and weaknesses of (worker) cooperative organization

rufuspollock

Coops or co-nots: understanding the strengths and weaknesses of (worker) cooperative organization

Definitions

We should begin by defining what we mean by a "coop[erative]". First, the focus is on worker coops: a productive enterprise organized on cooperative lines.

Key features of worker coops are:

  • Only active participants as members
  • Owned by members i.e. only members have an economic stake
  • Owned on egalitarian lines e.g. one member, one share or close to that
  • Democratically controlled eg one person one vote

cf e.g. books/curl-2009-all-people-uncovering

For the purposes of this history, a group will be called a cooperative when the work is organized democratically among equals and its fruits are divided fairly among the workers. The International Co- operative Alliance defines a cooperative today as "an autonomous association of persons united voluntarily to meet their common economic, social and cultural needs, and aspirations through a jointly owned and democratically controlled enterprise" …

The modern worker (or producer) cooperative is owned and operated only by its worker-owners. Only the workers can own memberships or shares; there are no outside owners, … One worker-member equals one vote, and only one share may be issued to each worker-member in most cases.

Introduction

Workers coops are rare both in absolute terms and in comparison to other types of cooperatives (such as consumer or housing cooperatives): for example Curl estimates that in 2008 that more than "120 million people in the United States are members of 48,000 cooperatives, about 40 percent of the population. [however] … there were only approximately 300 worker cooperative businesses in the United States."

Many people, including those on the left have been highly sceptical/critical of the worker coooperative idea. For example, here is the judgment of the the prestigious social scientists and pioneering socialists Beatrice and Sidney Webb (see other excerpts below):

All such associations of producers that start as alternatives to the capitalist system either fail or cease to be democracies of producers….

In the relatively few instances in which such enterprises have not succumbed as business concerns, they have ceased to be democracies of producers, managing their own work, and have become, in effect, associations of capitalists…making profit for themselves by the employment at wages of workers outside their association.

Of course, there are some famous and wonderful exceptions e.g. Mondragon (although they do now hire a substantial non-member workforce). However, these can seem like "exceptions that prove the rule", serving only to highlight the general absence.

Given, that cooperatives seem such a positive and aspirational model it is worth reflecting on why this is and on the strengths and weaknesses of cooperatives in general and their place in the wider space of organizational design.

Primacy of Being

My overall point would be a primacy of being point: the egalitarian nature of worker coops reflect a wonderful aspiration. However, they are also a structuralist approach to addressing the inequities and imperfections of our society. Without the relevant ontological work, this structure will be insufficient – and even potentially harmful, for example in terms of effectiveness/survival or because people will end up routing around the structure in unfortunate ways (e.g. politics happening behind the scenes)

Coop critique

What does an enterprise need to do?

  • Investment: secure resources both human and capital to carry out the enterprise
  • Production: work together to produce outputs and sell them
  • Decision-making: make decisions about the above

Coops have serious problems on all of these dimensions.

TODO: can also frame this around question of how does an organization (or team) handle differential contributions. For example, how does one handle these type of differences in contribution:

  • Capital vs labour: cooperatives tend to only recognize labour contribution. Capital can only be loaned or donated - there is no way to contribute capital in exchange for some general proportional claim on future surplus (i.e. equity).
  • Different points of time (and riskiness): working on the start-up of an enterprise if very different from working on it later when it is established
  • Quality: e.g. higher or lower quality/productivity. Coops can have pay differentials though they are normally lower than in non-coops reflecting the general egalitarian ethos.
  • Talents: a more or less rare skill. Perhaps we have lots of facilitators and very few plumbers. In a non-coop we can attract plumbers by paying them more. However, in a coop that can be difficult or impossible to do.

A. Investment

The basic structure of coops mean that only active participants can be shareholders. This prevent them taking outside capital as equity investment. This means the only way to get capital are external loans which are generally hard to do at any scale at early stages of a business. This starves coops of capital to start and expand and tends to limit them to areas where capital needs are low (e.g. consulting of various kinds) or the capital asset is easily visible and mortgageable eg land or some kinds of industrial property. This excludes many areas where up-front capital costs are significant including most software or other information goods.

B. Production

Team work problem and residuals. Basic problem of all work which is how to allocate it fairly either in terms of rights in surplus or obligations in inputs. For simple, easily measurable things this is easy because measurement is easy: e.g. we are all picking oranges and we assess how many oranges we picked or how much time we worked.

But most actual work is not easy to precisely measurable. The classic solution has been to have a residual party the "owner" (or entrepreneur) who then negotiates (and monitors) with other parties over their inputs and remuneration. One could have this owner be the group but that takes one into the decision making item and has obvious risks of holdup and group breakdown (What happens if we collectively decide that Joe has not done his work and sanction him and he disagrees and gets upset. As a coop member he can't be easily removed and depending on the decision making structure may have significant ability to block things. And the less power he has to do this the more there is a risk of majority tyranny etc. You can't have your cake and eat it …)

Expanding production rapidly is hard without taking on non coop members as membership process is usually slow (given hard to remove members and egalitarian voting structure)

Let's look at an actual example, from books/curl-2009-all-people-uncovering

For example, if a group were digging a ditch cooperatively, they might decide that each would spend two hours at it or that each was responsible for finishing six feet.

  • Imagine that digging different ground is easier or harder. How do we account for this?
  • What happens if some people are better diggers than others? Either way this can be problematic: on an inputs basic the better ditch diggers contribute more of the output yet receive the same remuneration. Conversely if we are doing output based approach what about the people who are poor ditch diggers: they have to work much more …
  • We soon end up with an internal market (and inequality) OR we have from each according to their abilities, to each according to their needs (which without serious ontological and cultural work is unstable eg brain drain problem in Kibbutz etc etc)
  • #todo work this through in more detail

C. Deciding

Note that techniques like sociocracy can ameliorate these but they struggle with scale.

Ultimately, coops with one member one vote are simple democracies with all the strengths and weaknesses of those. Strengths:

  • egalitarian and transparently so
  • participatory

There is also the security of membership which provides safety and confidence e.g. to speak up and speak out, to know you have a place etc.

Challenges

  • (In)Efficiency
    • Direct democracy is time consuming
    • Without skill and ontological work can easily become dysfunctional
  • Risk of passivity at scale and concomitant politics
  • Because it is hard to remove members once they have become members can have problems with "bad apples" or fallings out
  • Tyranny of the majority and dominance of the mediocre.

Coops and the broader context of organizational design

  • Many dimensions of variation. Eg can have a company owned in whole or part by its employees. Many tech companies are. Landmark etc. But they are not coops.
  • Governance and economic ownership dimension
  • Profit and non profit dimension.

Taxonomy of organizational forms

Note: there is the question of the legal form and the practical form. A "corporation" in the sense of a company limited by shares can be structured in many different ways.

  • Corporation
    • Employee-owned etc
  • Asset-locked / Purpose-locked corporation
  • Partnership
    • Differs from coop in allowing differential shareholdings among partners.
  • Partnership with associates (ie. non partners)
  • Cooperative
  • Informal
    • Collectives
    • Association?

Inbox

Webbs on why abc/worker-coops don't work: either fail or starting hiring non-members and cease to be democracies

From books/whyte-whyte-1991-making-mondragon-growth

A negative judgment on worker cooperatives was first rendered early in this century by the prestigious social scientists Beatrice and Sidney Webb. Their verdict has been the conventional wisdom ever since:

All such associations of producers that start as alternatives to the capitalist system either fail or cease to be democracies of producers….

In the relatively few instances in which such enterprises have not succumbed as business concerns, they have ceased to be democracies of producers, managing their own work, and have become, in effect, associations of capitalists…making profit for themselves by the employment at wages of workers outside their association. (Coates and Topham 1968, 67)

notes/worker-coops struggle because of lack of capital, lack of marketing and lack of discipline

From books/emelianoff-1948-economic-theory-cooperation#Why abc worker-coops struggle because of lack of capital lack of marketing and lack of discipline

Coops struggle in these three areas for clear reasons. First, coops have no way to take equity which makes raising capital hard. Second, marketing is hard both because of lack of capital, and, more significantly, the issue of how to capture and allocate value added in a team (marketing is something that benefits everyone but it is hard to assess). Third, the disciple issue relates to basic problem of teamwork in egalitarian teams.

p.24 of Theory of Cooperation

Two ever-recurring assumptions underlie the generally professed ideology of the productive associations, says Dr. Fuchs:

a) emancipation of labor from the yoke of capital through productive associations, and
b) the securing by the workingmen of the "whole product of their labor" after elimination of the capitalistic entrepreneur in the productive associations.

The productive association, therefore, is assumed as representing an industrial form of the coming economic era; it is "an anticipation of the future." Further, productive associations have always played an extraordinary role in the interpretations of cooperation and a miserable part in actual life. Ninety years of experimentation and thousands of trials in different countries have proved, beyond any possibility of doubt, that productive cooperative associations are doomed to die sooner or later. Those few which survive change their economic character so radically that no sign of the cooperative association can be found in the new body. "The law of transformation" of the productive cooperatives formulated by F. Oppenheimer is perfectly justified by a history of productive associations, says Dr. Fuchs, ¹¹ and this law declares: It is exceptionally seldom that a productive association lives till the blooming season and if it survives till this age it ceases to be a productive association."51

Three "lacks," accordingly, explain such a sad destiny of the productive associations:

a) the lack of capital,
b) the lack of successful marketing, and
c) the lack of discipline

Therefore, for the purposes of economic analysis, the productive association may be taken, in the words of Fuchs, only as being in its statu nascendi.

The cooperative associations of consumers are inherently profitless, Dr. Fuchs says further, while the productive associations, being acquisitive enterprises" (Erwerbsunternehmungen), work for profit, as do other enterprises. The most essential economic feature of the productive cooperative association is that all its owners are employed by the association and all its employees are its owners. If some of the members (owners) of the association do not actually work and remain its shareholders only, or if, on the other hand, not all the persons working for the association are its regular members (owners), but some of them are only wage earners, then, Dr. Fuchs says, there is not any real economic difference between such an association and a regular stock company. The productive cooperative associations, like every other enterprise under certain conditions, has a definite optimum volume of employment and hence cannot be based, obviously, on the principle of unlimited membership: it is, therefore, of necessity, a cooperative with closed membership.

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